SDLP Deputy Leader Dr Alasdair McDonnell Lambasts Sinn Fein use of GAA Ground
Controversy surrounding the recent Hunger Strike Commemoration in the Irish Republican heartland of Galbally, County Tyrone has been cranked up another few notches this week by both SDLP and DUP members. The latter condemnation has been a further instalment from Northern Ireland Culture Minister Nelson McCausland calling for the GAA to hold an internal investigation into the proceedings. This has followed his outspoken views earlier in the week when he describe the ’81 Hunger Strike as an offensive episode!
The SDLP Deputy Leader, Dr Alasdair McDonnell, has lambasted the Sinn Fein leadership by accusing them of “hijacking” the commemoration for their own political expediency. Following a meeting with several leading GAA officials Dr McDonnell endorsed McCausland’s argument that the Cappagh Commemoration for the '81 Hunger Strikers that was lead by Bobby Sands, was in direct contravention with Rule 7a of the GAA’s Official Rule Book. He claims that the;
“Provos had hijacked a GAA premises to cynically deflect attention from Sinn Féin’s internal problems”.
Without mincing his words he decided to go straight for Sinn Fein’s jugular by accusing them of using the event as a diversionary tactic to deflect Irish Republican scrutiny regarding allegations that elements with the Sinn Fein leadership in ‘81 were guilty of “allowing a number of the hunger strikers to die” to advance their own political goals.
Of course this is a direct reference to claims made most notably in Richard O’Rawe’s controversial book, ‘Blanket Men’. Dr. McDonald’s comments will definitely re-ignite the embers of this moral debate which had recently subsided.
But as with every controversy within the Northern Ireland political arena the issues on the table are rarely black and white. Irrespective of whether or not the SDLP Deputy’s Leader’s comments are right or wrong they smack of political opportunism and have a whiff of jumping on the band-wagon of disgruntlement currently coursing through the veins of the Sinn Fein rank and file and the wider Irish Republican community. As regards the Sinn Fein leadership permitted five of their Irish Republican comrades to die in order to perpetuate their own political aspirations, remains highly contentious.
Unravelling the Truth Behind the ’81 Hunger Strike
No other event engulfed modern day Irish Republican sentiment towards Irish Unity, and the whole episode represented an unprecedented nadir in Anglo-Irish relations. The aftermath of the 1981 Hunger Strike, provoked a shock wave of revulsion and anger vented at the intransigence of the British establishment. In essence, it provided the fulcrum for the enigmatic rise of the modern Sinn Fein movement, and culminated in the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and our perceived peace as we know it today.
For over 25 years the 1981 Hunger Strike was afforded celestial status and any attempt to question the Sinn Fein strategy or motives was perceived as blasphemous! However, in 2005, one Irish Republican prisoner, Richard O’Rawe, dared to pose the question if the last five hunger strikers sacrificed their lives purely for Sinn Fein political expediency? Indeed his absolute assertions were viewed as a direct assault on the foundations of the legitimacy of the current Sinn Fein movement’s strategy.
The explosive revelations were made in his book, Blanketmen: an untold story of the H-Block Hunger Strike (2005), still threatens deep divisions within Irish Republicanism over the legacy of the ’81 Hunger Strikers. Allegations made by O’Rawe continue to shake the very fundamental foundations of modern Irish Republican Ideology, and in doing so, casts a question mark over Sinn Fein’s alleged political manipulation of the Hunger Strike.
Richard O Rawe was the number two IRA leader and Public Relations Officer in the Maze prison during the 1981 Hunger Strikes, and hence was in a highly authorative position.
The current intrigue and wrangling over the issue focuses upon one crucial bone of contention. It is the absolute assertion made by Richard O'Rawe that the 1981 Hunger Strike was resolvable prior to the fifth hunger striker Joe Mc Donnell's death. According to Mr O’Rawe a proposed ‘deal’ or an ‘offer’ from the Foreign Office was made to the Hunger Strikers on July 5th 1981. It essentially conceded three of the Hunger Striker’s five demands and effectively conceded a fourth.
He claims that, Brendan ’Bik’ McFarlane, pushed a document containing these proposals along a pipe to his cell, who had received them from Danny Morrison. A discussion then ensued between them on the intricacies of the proposals and according to Richard O’Rawe they reached a unanimous agreement that the Hunger Strikers would accept the conditions.
However, events were to take an unexpected and tragic turn. Upon informing their command of the unanimous decision that the deal on offer was acceptable, the IRA Army Council – then advised and guided by Gerry Adams – proceeded to reject the settlement on the grounds that the ‘tone’ was unacceptable.
O'Rawe claims that it was rejected in order to prolong the strike until after the by-election in Fermanagh-South Tyrone, thereby securing the election of Owen Carron. Effectively, given this scenario the Hunger Strike was prolonged to catapult Sinn Féin into the North’s political spectrum.
Initially, the Sinn Fein leadership vehemently denounced O'Rawe's version of events in a blaze of nasty innuendoes and smears, and he was systematically portrayed by the SF leadership as a lone maverick. However, as time passed the accusations failed to dissipate but rather gathered momentum and hence credibility until this day. Sinn Fein’s attempts to rubbish his claims ended up in a semantic cul de sac.
One blatantly obvious and indisputable fact is that the events in the Maze prison in ’81 did pluck Sinn Fein from political obscurity and propel them to their lofty position of power-sharing in Stormont under Sunningdale Mark II today. The ultimate sacrifices of these iconic 10 Irish Republican martyrs not only gave SF political legitimacy in the North but more importantly handed them the puissance to dictate to Irish Republicans their future political strategy for Irish Unity.
Understanding the 1981 Hunger Strike Conundrum?
This whole ’81 Hunger Strike conundrum serves only to rake up a host of awkward and potentially catastrophic ifs and buts which will only fester in the minds of many Irish Republicans if not unequivocally resolved by the Sinn Fein leadership. Every Republican’s reasoning behind the Sinn Fein leadership decision making during the negotiations will directly correlate with their individual scepticism regarding their motives. Subsequently, an individual’s level of scepticism will only be dissuaded by the strength of the argument put forth to refute these allegations.
Furthermore, to gain a proper understanding of this murky issue, any observer must try and envisage;
The remarkable conviction shown by 10 Irish Republican Prisoners who gave the ultimate sacrifice to the cause of Irish Freedom;
- The phenomenal stresses endured by the Sinn Fein/IRA leadership, Irish Republicans on the ground and most importantly the hunger strikers and their families
- The roller coaster of emotions that would have undoubtedly manifested itself during British government negotiations
- The unique negotiating decisiveness required to distinguish whether any deal offered by the British government would be honoured, given previous failures
Northern Ireland Political Point Scoring
Whether Dr. McDonald sweeping accusation has any real substance may have unwittingly placed him in a similar predicament to that of Gerry Adams in this sorry affair. If indeed the SDLP Deputy Leader’s accusation that the death of 5 Irish Republican Prisoners was in fact to further Sinn Fein political expediency then he will have surely dealt a severe blow to SF’s credibility.
Conversely if the unfurling of future events prove that his accusation is unfounded then his comments may be seen as a mere pathetic and cheap shot at political opportunism whilst using the self-sacrifice of 10 Irish Republican’s to gain the moral high ground.
Gerry Adams faces an even worse dilemma because of his pivotal role during negotiations and his current position as Sinn Fein President. Had the political catalyst of the ’81 Hunger Strike and his party’s subsequent political strategy proved dividends á propos Irish Unity would these initial allegations have been publicly aired? Undoubtedly, if we were now in a 32 County scenario then the political fallout may have been minimal and privately construed as a calculated political gamble worth taking (whilst regrettable). Paradoxically, if this calculated risk was to fail then the decision would be deemed as a nothing but a callous and self-perpetuating act of political opportunism. However, the sad and undeniable fact is that a 32 County scenario does not exist and is unlikely in the foreseeable future.
Essentially, this whole issue may place SF in a further ‘Catch 22’ situation. Sinn Fein issued a defiant response essentially challenging Dr. McDonnell to “produce a shred of evidence to back up his bogus claims about the circumstances surrounding the men’s deaths as none exists”. Whilst, this statement clearly refutes his allegations and describes them as unfounded, the reality for the Sinn Fein leadership is that until they provide irrefutable evidence to the contrary then the debate will continue.
Nobody can deny that the ultimate sacrifice by 10 Irish Republican martyrs still has the power to shape both the North’s political landscape and Irish Republican sentiment, and will continue to do so for future generations!
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